ISSUES POSITION PAPER

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Christina Hamm
Clark University
Graduate School of Geography
950 Main Street
Worcester, MA 01610

 

Conflict Resolution Frameworks: Guideposts for Dialogue in Fisheries Co-management

 

Introduction

With many fisheries in crisis, fears and uncertainty high, and community security at risk, the privileged position and limits of fisheries management as practiced by state-level regulatory agencies have come into question. Ecological, community, and regulatory complexity have gained recognition as important, yet vexing elements of fisheries management (Finlayson, 1994; Hanna, 1997; Healey and Hennessey, 1998; Wilson, 1982; Wilson et al., 1996). Consequently, there is a shift toward adopting new models of ecological and community complexity, identifying stakeholders (or "shareholders"), and power sharing among involved parties (Hanna, 1997; McCay and Jentoft, 1996; Sen and Nielson, 1996) in an effort to develop institutional capital for sustainable fisheries governance* (Hanna 1997). Fisheries co-management is an alternative on this "new frontier" of governance (Hanna, 1997; Pinkerton, 1989). Essentially, co-management involves the claim to and recognition of community stakes in resource management, and the devolution of some decision-making and stewardship responsibilities to the local level through government and local resource-user/community partnerships (Berkes, 1997; Fisher, 1996; Jentoft, 1997; McCay and Acheson, 1987). Sustainability, efficiency, and equity are objectives realized through participatory (and democratic) multistakeholder decision making in co-management (Berkes, 1997; Jentoft, 1997; Sen and Nielson, 1996). Conditions for co-management include trust, appropriate local and governmental institutions, and protection of local rights (Berkes, 1997).

In practice, a "spectrum" of co-management arrangements reflects varying levels of input between local group and government agency stakeholders (Sen and Nielson, 1996). Moreover, stakeholders can comprise a number of groups that may or may not be homogenous, and management decisions and activities involving policy formulation (e.g., access and harvesting rights, and associated enforcement) may be especially contentious. Both the identification of stakeholders and the politics of participation (The Corner House, 1998), where knowledge, experience, and envisioned futures are exchanged and even contested, are critical elements in creating and realizing credible, integrated resource regimes that can meet current and future challenges of sustainability.

Complex policy issues must be addressed in the commons - in coastal fisheries and elsewhere. Despite a recognized need for participatory approaches in resource management, some existing methods draw fire owing to their generation within existing power structures (Corner House, 1998; McCay and Jentoft, 1996; Rocheleau, 1994) and employment to "engineer consent" in resource planning (Corner House, 1998). A noticeable shift favors more communicative and discursive strategies (Fortmann, 1995; McCay and Jentoft, 1996; Roe, 1994; 1998) that engender increased understanding for improved policy formation under conditions that are uncertain, contentious, or complex. Social learning through adaptive management and bounded conflict (Lee, 1993), and communication through democratic processes that encourage and incorporate critical feedback (i.e., "discursive design") (Dryzek, 1990 as referenced in McCay and Jentoft, 1996) including "listening" (Fortmann, 1995), creates the potential for developing collaborative and ultimately more effective resource policies. In addition, there are multiple approaches to conflict resolution that focus on understanding and transformation. These appear to be complementary, even nested, approaches for achieving participatory co-management of fisheries.

* governance, resource regimes, management systems, and institutions are used interchangeably here

Among strategies introduced in this paper are models of conflict analysis and resolution (Rubin, 1994) and narrative policy analysis (Fortmann, 1995; Roe, 1994; 1998) within a framework of social learning (Lee, 1993). Both narratives and conflict resolution strategies are relevant for developing understanding. These methods are dynamic, flexible, and integrative, and provide clear guideposts for engaging differing perspectives through forms of dialogue.

 

Context and Current Issues

Social relations, in addition to resource characteristics and dynamics, are critical elements of resource use that influence the potential to achieve environmental sustainability and community security. Regimes that govern access to and use of resources are dynamic and complex, and may develop within particular cultural contexts, yet may also be subject to government regulations. Although various structures comprise institutions, management regimes often betray a narrow focus on regulatory structures (Jentoft, 1997). Much of the research focused on common-pool resources and associated regimes highlight the complexity of resource use, relationships among appropriators, as well as relationships among appropriators, scientists, and managers, and their rights and responsibilities under various, sometimes overlapping, governing institutions (Acheson, 1987; 1988; Blomquist et al., 1995; Davis and Bailey, 1996; McCay and Acheson, 1987; Swallow, 1995; Wilson et al, 1994). Traditional community-based regimes of local access and regulation may be nested within, or exist outside of, governmental resource-management institutions. For example, the lobster fishing territories off the Maine (USA) coast are de jure state property (inshore resources are within the state of Maine's jurisdiction), but de facto communal property, regulated by local communities for access and exclusion (Acheson, 1988; Feeny et al., 1990; Schlager and Ostrom, 1992).

With such complexity and overlap, existing community-based management systems have the potential to inform, reconcile, or conflict with government fisheries-management programs. The lobstermen of Monhegan Island, Maine, have codified their local, island-based regime by establishing a Lobster Conservation Zone through state legislation that recognizes a century of self-regulation and local stewardship, even though mainland lobstermen have also fished the island waters (Griffin, 1998; Ramer, 1997). Further down the east coast of the United States, in the Long Island Sound between New York and Connecticut, the Fishers Island Lobster Conservation Zone is being challenged in court (Haberstroh, 1998), expropriated in practice, and renegotiated for the future. Although legislative initiatives may codify and legitimize particular rights, they do not reconcile interests of all stakeholders, and third party intervention (often carried out through legal systems), enlisted in some cases to enhance the potential for agreement, "can be an instrument of destruction if applied unwisely" (Rubin, 1994, p. 33), as it may serve only to root adversarial positions more firmly. Settlement does not signify understanding or resolution.

 

Learning

Kai Lee (1993) promotes the notion of social learning through "adaptive management " and "bounded conflict," an iterative and participatory process driven by the goal of environmental and economic sustainability. Adaptive management involves framing "experiments" within natural resource policy, where both success and failure provide lessons for more informed policy. Rather than being a form of trial and error in the face of uncertain human-environment relationships, adaptive management recognizes the opportunity to incorporate "clearly formulated hypotheses about the behavior of an ecosystem being changed by human use" (Lee, 1993, p. 53) into policies that test expectations. The lessons learned serve as inputs in the development of ever more effective policies. "For example, commercial fishery regulation, monitored by a regulating authority, can readily be designed in an experimental fashion. If the policy succeeds, the hypothesis is affirmed. But if the policy fails, an adaptive design still permits learning, so that future decisions can proceed from a better base of understanding." (Lee, 1993, p. 53).

Lee acknowledges that information gathering and political risks attendant on failures are tangible costs associated with adaptive management, but uncertainty and complexity continue to challenge environmental policies at all scales. He describes bounded conflict as competition within a political framework through formal and informal rules. "Chief among them is a shared commitment to address important issues through continual debate." (Lee, 1993, p. 9). In short, bounded conflict guides dialogue.

How can adaptive management and bounded conflict engage local knowledge and bioeconomic fisheries science? Both forms of knowledge contribute to co-management, where learned experience through past "experiments" as well trial and error from different perspectives may be coupled to provide a starting point for adaptive management and the development of new policies within an evolving framework. Furthermore, co-management builds new institutional arenas providing the opportunity for creative problem-solving. Frameworks of conflict resolution invite consideration as possible approaches for conducting bounded conflict in this new arena.

 

Collaborative Efforts and Conflict Resolution

Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) (Chambers, 1983; 1989) and Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) (Paniagua and Sabbadini, 1996) are popular collaborative planning tools that begin at the local level. These field methods encompass information collection, consensus-building, and community visioning. For example, community resource mapping (Moore, 1996) provides an accessible, interactive forum for dialogue that involves mapping for sharing knowledge, ideas, and visions. Conflict resolution frameworks have a role in encouraging dialogue outside of a political framework with the objective of collaborative decision making and transformation. Conflict management in the form of negotiation or bargaining has shifted from adversarial positional bargaining and third-party intervention to alternatives based on interests, human needs, and transformation, and often involve a mediator or facilitator. The methods that provide frameworks for bounded conflict include Principled, Needs-based, Comprehensive systemic, and Transformative approaches to conflict resolution.

 

Principled Negotiation and Conflict Resolution

Fisher and Ury (1991) present a form of conflict resolution known as interest-based or principled negotiation, based on interests behind positions. In essence, participants are problem-solvers, and negotiation should be wise and efficient and should enhance (or never compromise) the relationship between parties (Fisher and Ury, 1991). Principled negotiation focuses on revealing and developing the means for achieving common interests defined by needs, fears, concerns, and desires. Other elements of principled negotiation entail separating the people from the problem; generating several possible solutions for mutual gain, and forging decisions based on objective criteria. In fisheries, for example, reconciled interests (a starting point) manifest as a mutual desire to maintain a viable fishery for ecological, economic, and community health and security. Fears may emerge over issues of autonomy or being "taken over" by a larger authority, restrictions to resource access and appropriation, or loss of identity. Separating people from the problem is necessary to diffuse the often polarized "us" and "them" views common to positions. To create options for mutual gain, it is necessary to diagnose obstacles, and to consider and use methods or prescriptions facilitating mutual goals. Reconciliation of subjective concerns and objective criteria are critical challenges facing co-management.

 

Human-Needs-Based Conflict Resolution

Although difference is considered a necessary condition for conflict, it is not a sufficient driving force of conflict. Ultimately, it is threats to the human needs of identity, security, belonging, and recognition (of that identity) that are considered the root causes of conflict. Therefore, conflict is based on both differences of interests and threats to human needs. Human needs theory in conflict negotiation developed as an alternative to legal or coercive means to conflict settlement and has been focused primarily on international conflict. Human needs theory, however, has been further developed for broader applications in conflict negotiation. Burton (1987) distinguishes needs and interests and recognizes the value-laden nature of conflicts; Kelman (1992) focuses on concerns and priorities, as well as perceptual and cognitive constraints to negotiation, and explores the utility of third-party facilitators; and Mitchell (1990), explores the potential of basic human needs (BHN) theory to provide both a theory of conflict drivers and remedies, while questioning the dichotomy between settlement and resolution based on partial or full satisfaction of needs. In general, conflict negotiation based on human needs theory recognizes the existence of deep motivations, values, and concerns that cannot be compromised or negotiated. Interests that underlie positions, however, are potentially negotiable. The methodological approach to needs-based conflict negotiation promoted by Kelman requires the development of a needs assessment, joint thinking to create an agreement responsive to the needs of all parties, identification of constraints to agreement, and responses to constraints for reaching agreement, and the creation of an action plan to implement a responsible agreement. As such, this approach is applicable at multiple scales and offers a model that merits consideration in the negotiation of management policies within a co-managed resource regime.

 

Comprehensive Systemic Approach: Leadership Model

The systemic approach to conflict analysis and resolution developed by Heifetz (1994) focuses on values of leadership through the balance of responsibility and pressure. The systemic approach recognizes potential for change within a given system by addressing dynamics of a particular situation at all levels. The systemic approach identifies adaptive challenges by assessing the gap between shared values and reality of lives or, community conflict over values or strategy. Issues are addressed in an holistic manner, regardless of the myriad stakeholders and their interests. The systemic approach advocates the use of partners, because no particular authority is privileged, and there are opportunities for allied, cooperative partnership (the recognition of such opportunities is part of co-management). Additionally, because individuals in leadership positions often wear more than one hat, they can be aware of multiple positions or perspectives. This facilitates self-reflection, and understanding of bias. Where role and self are not distinct however, biases may be entrenched.

 

Conflict Transformation and Empowerment

The transformative approach to conflict analysis focuses on relationships and mediation. This relatively new perspective is based on the work of Bush and colleagues (1994) on mediation, Galtung (1995) on resolution and transformation, and Lederach (1995) on cross-cultural transformation. Other models discussed here aim for settlement or resolution, but the key goals of this method are empowerment and recognition. Empowerment refers to a sense of achievement with regard to goals, options, skills, resources and decision making. Empowerment addresses elements considered in human-needs theory including self-worth (identity) and security. Recognition refers to coming to terms with another party's perspective through the underlying desire to achieve understanding of the other, demonstrated in thought, words, and actions. This involves focusing on the needs of both parties, also integral components of human-needs theory. A voluntary transformative shift, achieved through mediation, underlies the types of relationships necessary for learning opportunities. Transformation is seen as an opportunity to change thinking. This method is intended to promote moral development and thinking that requires the integration of the autonomous individual and concern for others, resulting in mutually experienced empowerment and recognition.

 

Narrative Policy Analysis

Finally, narrative policy analysis is the application of contemporary literary theory to seemingly "intractable" public policy issues (Roe, 1994; 1998) to engage and access complexity. In effect, narrative policy analysis facilitates the exploration and understanding of difficult policy issues that generate multiple perspectives (Fortmann, 1995; Roe, 1994) by examining embedded policy narratives (i.e., the conflicting stories developed in association with complex and polarized issues). This form of analysis is undertaken in an effort to reveal the role that narratives or culturally embedded stories have in public policy, and to facilitate the reformation of highly uncertain and complex "policy problems in ways that make them more amenable to the conventional policy analytical approaches of micro-economics, statistics, organizational theory, law, and public management practice." (Roe, 1994, p. 1). Like conflict resolution frameworks, narrative policy analysis aims to develop new understanding through a series of formal steps: (1) identification of policy narratives in the form of stories or scenarios, each with a beginning, middle, and end, or in the form of arguments - the dominant narratives; (2) identification of "nonstories" (without a beginning, middle, and end) and "counter stories" that run counter to dominant narratives; (3) comparison of dominant policy narratives with existing "nonstories" and "counterstories" to develop a metanarrative encompassing multiple perspectives; and (4) recasting the public policy issue through the metanarrative to reveal potential entry points through which existing analytical tools may access a difficult policy issue (Roe, 1994; 1998). Surely, narratives such as the tragedy of the commons and its counter narratives in fisheries governance exemplify the complexity and difficulty of the current policy issues in this realm.

 

Conclusion

Increasing resource and community vulnerability is a manifestation of the developing crises in some fisheries, and concerns associated with management, decisionmaking, and representation, in an uncertain, and sometimes contentious, policy-making arena continue to challenge fisheries governance. Interests include maintaining autonomy, representation, or both. Exploring alternative, integrated forms of governance and policy generation through co-management is dependent upon learning among stakeholders and decision makers. More efficient learning can be undertaken in the face of uncertainty by undertaking adaptive management and dialogue. "Lessons learned" generate heightened expectations and provide opportunities for incorporating hypotheses into new policies for testing and validation. Therefore, the lessons from fisheries science and traditional knowledge systems can be incorporated into new policy development. Furthermore, improved dialogue may be achieved through bounded conflict (and carried out and analyzed through several different frameworks) within evolving co-management regimes. Concerns about identity and recognition, in addition to the material resources, are critical elements of transformation.

New approaches to dialogue through narrative policy analysis, involving the development and analysis of metanarratives, and conflict transformation and empowerment, provide nuanced approaches for accessing complexity through the exploration of multiple perspectives. Finally, experience from existing fisheries governance regimes may provide insights for nascent co-management institutions.

 

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